Tag: In the Media

  • LIV’s Vi Tran and Pham Doan Trang in Al Jazeera: Digital dictatorship in Vietnam seeks to silence dissidents

    LIV’s Vi Tran and Pham Doan Trang in Al Jazeera: Digital dictatorship in Vietnam seeks to silence dissidents

    The Cybersecurity Law will take effect on January 1, 2019.  Blogger Pham Doan Trang, one of Vietnam’s prolific writers and a known government critic, shares her experiences on repression and authority harassment.  With the new law, activists like Doan Trang fear the government will attempt to silence the voices of the people who are using Facebook as their platform to voice their opinions.  

    Reporters Without Borders’ 2018 World Press Freedom Index ranks Vietnam 175 out of 180 countries – one point ahead of China.

    Title: Digital dictatorship in Vietnam seeks to silence dissidents
    Publish Date: November 15, 2018
    Publisher: Al Jazeera


    Excerpt:

    Activists fear new cyber law will allow authorities to crack down harshly on those promoting freedom of expression.

    Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam – Pham Doan Trang strums softly on an acoustic guitar. She’s performing the Vietnamese folk song Water Ferns Drift Clouds Float Far. It’s a song permitted by Vietnam’s government. The authorities keep a close eye on any public performance.

    Trang, 39, now suffers when she plays the song. Not because of its moving lyrics or melody but because she can barely strum the chords. Last August, Trang was arrested along with 50 others at a concert in a Ho Chi Minh City teashop.

    “They raided the concert. They said the singer was singing unpermitted songs,” Trang said.

    “They have a law that stipulates that every songwriter must register to perform and disseminate a song. That means if you compose a song and perform it somewhere without asking for permission, you are doing something illegal.”

    Witnesses watched as police physically assaulted Trang who was seated in the audience. While in police custody, she sustained injuries to both hands. Many weeks later, bruises still cover her knuckles.

    She was never charged with a crime but had her passport, phone and laptop confiscated.

    It was not the first time Trang was arrested or assaulted. In 2015, she was participating in a protest against the felling of trees in the capital, Hanoi. Police descended on protesters and both her knees were broken.

    This has left her with a debilitating limp.

    “Since I became an activist, I [have been] attacked, physically attacked, many times by the police. Now I am disabled,” Trang said, looking down at her hands, knees and mobility aid by her side.

    “Once you learn about freedom, it’s very hard for you to stop.”

    Communist mindset

    Trang is one of Vietnam’s most prolific dissident writers. Her most recent book Politics for the Masses got her briefly detained earlier this year. It’s a political primer for pro-democracy activists.

    “Many people say this book can give me a prison sentence of 20 years. This book may give me a death sentence. It’s a logical deduction,” Trang said. “I don’t know what is their strategy or plan. I mean [a] status on Facebook may attract several likes, not hundreds or thousands, but people are still given 20 years [in prison]. I can’t understand the mindset of communists.”

    Facebook overthrow?

    From Facebook down to the Streets is a 2016 samizdat book by Pham Doan Trang. It raised the attention of Vietnamese authorities as it documented the country’s nascent environmental movement.

    Trang is extremely careful with her online activity. She knows any comment she posts to Facebook could be used to prosecute her and send her to prison like many of her peers.

    Vietnam’s government has stated it employs a 10,000-strong cyber “task force” to monitor activists.

    “What are they thinking? Do they actually think that people writing on Facebook can overthrow the administration?” Trang asked.

    Since last June, nationwide protests against Vietnam’s proposed Special Economic Zones and cybersecurity law have caught Hanoi off guard. Hundreds were arrested.

    “Vietnamese Facebook users are close to 60 million,” said Vi Tran, co-director of Legal Initiatives for Vietnam. “Many large protests [against the government] around the country have started on Facebook.”

    Inside Vietnam, historically information flowed from the top down via state-run media, but with the rise of blogging and social media platforms now the news flows horizontally with bloggers and journalists writing and sharing news independently.

    Reporters Without Borders’ 2018 World Press Freedom Index ranks Vietnam 175 out of 180 countries – one point ahead of China. Freedom House says Vietnam is not free.

    A song for freedom

    The law will come into effect on January 1, 2019. Tech giants Facebook and Google have been given one year from this date to comply. Human Rights Watch has called it disastrous for freedom of expression in Vietnam.

    Vietnamese civil society groups are concerned Facebook has begun to block or shut down accounts requested by the authorities. This move could silence many dissidents currently using the platform to share independent news and opinions.

    “I just feel worried for other people. I’m so familiar with violent suppression and political repression,” Trang said. “But for other people, it’s a real danger because now they can be arrested and given lengthy prison terms for a post.”

    Trang is extremely worried about the deteriorating human rights situation in Vietnam. But she’s optimistic about the peaceful, non-violent, methods used by her compatriots to express their dissatisfaction with the regime in Hanoi.


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  • Luat Khoa’s Trinh Huu Long in PEN America: Interview With Vietnamese Journalist And Human Rights Lawyer Trinh Huu Long

    PEN America interviews Trinh Huu Long, who helped maintain the “Anh Ba Sam” blog after the arrests of prominent Vietnamese bloggers Nguyen Huu Vinh and Nguyen Thi Minh Thuy.

    In this interview, Trinh gives us an eye opening insight on activism and the perils that come with criticizing the government; and how traditional Vietnamese culture, particularly, patriarchy and collectivism, play an important part in shaping a repressed society.

    Trinh, is also the co-founder of Luat Khoa, an independent online magazine that discusses human rights, democracy, and rule of law in Vietnam.


    Excerpt:

    Prominent Vietnamese bloggers Nguyen Huu Vinh and Nguyen Thi Minh Thuy are now a year into their convictions, having been sentenced for “abusing democratic freedoms to infringe upon the interests of the State, the legitimate rights and interests of organizations and/or citizens.” Talk to us about what happens to a blogger who is arrested in Vietnam.

    After bloggers Nguyen Huu Vinh and Nguyen Thi Minh Thuy were arrested, I had the privilege of becoming part of the team for his “Anh Ba Sam” blog, and to maintain the blog for a while. I have been closely following their case. In short, there is no due process for those who get arrested in political cases.

    Police will come to your house and arrest you without even declaring why you are arrested. Then you might disappear for weeks. In the case of Nguyen Huu Vinh, his family was only informed of his arrest after more than 10 days. In most cases, you will be held incommunicado without family visits or lawyers’ assistance. At the same time, the mainstream media delivers a lot of false reports on your case, saying you conducted propaganda against the state, that you destroyed the image of the country and the Communist Party, and so on.

    Your trial will come after months have passed, or in Nguyen Huu Vinh’s case, after almost two years, during which time you will remain in prison. In every case, the trials are closed to the public. Chances are, even the defendants’ family members are not allowed to enter the courtroom. International observers and international press may be allowed to watch your case on a TV screen shown in the room next door.

    Inside the courtroom, all the judges and prosecutors are Communist Party members. You and your lawyers are not allowed to talk too much. Your lawyers’ laptops and cellphones are even confiscated by the police before the show trial. Bloggers who are arrested are often sentenced to years of imprisonment; some have been sentenced to 12–16 years. Sometimes your family can visit you in prison; sometimes they are not allowed, and often no one will tell them the reasons for the absence of visitation.

    What will keep citizen journalists blogging when the risk of being imprisoned for their views is so high?

    When you truly believe in something, it becomes part of you, and it is almost impossible for you to act like you don’t know anything.

    Citizen journalists must write and raise their voices because it is just how they are, and they can’t live differently. In the end, we all love our country and our people, and we also care about those whose rights are being violated in other countries. Love will eventually find ways to raise its voice. And we accept whatever the consequences may be. What also motivates us is that we are optimistic that tomorrow will be better. And it is true.

    It’s interesting that you said family and friends and Vietnamese culture as a whole do not encourage writers and bloggers to practice free expression. In a way, this is understandable because of its inherent danger. As a Vietnamese American, I’m curious about how much of our self-oppression is really shaped by our culture, as you said, or by fear. Can you speak more about how Vietnamese culture might discourage activism?

    To me, this is the main, the biggest, and the key problem in Vietnam. When we talk about freedom and democracy, we usually talk about the relation between citizens and the government. But the nature of this relationship is based on the country’s culture. What shapes citizens’ attitudes and behaviors toward the government and vice versa? Whether you are a citizen or a government official, you are still Vietnamese, and you are born into that culture.

    Vietnam is a society based on patriarchy and collectivism. That means, you must listen to your parents, you must respect elders, you must obey your family’s and community’s rules whether you agree with them or not, and regardless of whether the rules make any sense.

    In your family, your father is the supreme leader. He is the law. In your society, your government is the supreme leader. They are the law. So what you can see here is that the society is actually just a larger version of the family.

    Living under a dictatorship, people tend to obey the government’s rules without questioning their legitimacy and rationality. Resistance is not encouraged as a matter of course. Your parents understand that, and they want you to also keep silent and avoid opposing the government. If one day you realize something is wrong and start talking about it, the government will not be the one who comes first to confront you. Your father, your mother, your brothers and sisters, your friends will. People tend to disrespect your rights, and they scold you for being different.

    Many people say it is the communist culture, blaming the Communist Party for that. But I don’t think that is entirely true. The way we treat each other today is not learned behavior we picked up from the Communists. Rather, it is rooted deeply in our history as a closed society, long before the Communist Party was established in 1930.

    Being born into that culture, you follow and act like your parents, you treat others the same way that they treat you. And if you become a government leader, in turn, you will act like a dictator. The dictator in the government is pretty much the same as the dictator in the family.

    So to me, that’s the main problem. My theory is, as long as we still have dictators in families, we will have dictators in the government. If it is not the Communists, it will be some other kind of dictatorship.

    It is significant to note that not all Vietnamese families are like that. I know many, especially young families, are much more progressive and liberal. The society is slowly opening up. People’s mind-sets are also changing. I am very lucky that my parents have respected and loved me as much as they could, though I know they have been struggling a lot to overcome not only social prejudices but also their personal prejudices and fears.

    You are the editor of Luat Khoa, a news website about law and criminal justice in Vietnam and abroad. Can you tell us what prompted you to launch Luat Khoa? What are some of the challenges you’ve had to face?

    I came up with the idea of Luat Khoa when I was in law school in Hanoi, back in 2007. I just wanted people to share knowledge and help each other to achieve a higher level of legal understanding. But then, after I participated in the anti-China protest movement in 2011, I realized very clearly that human rights and the rule of law in Vietnam were in a crisis, and I wanted to fix it. I then wrote a lot of articles for the mainstream media about law, human rights, and politics with the hope that there would be more people understanding what I had understood.

    However, I was not satisfied with those articles because of the government’s censorship and the newspapers’ self-censorship. I realized that I had to do it myself, with my own media outlet. And by the end of 2014, along with three other activists, I founded Luat Khoa, and since then, we have been functioning as a professional and independent law magazine. We have freed ourselves from every kind of censorship.

    Of course, there is a price for this. A lot of blog posts have been written against us by pro-government bloggers, accusing us of being affiliated with a “terrorist” political party and betraying the country. The same thing has happened with a lot of activists, including prisoners of conscience.

    How did you deal with those accusations?

    This is about a very fashionable issue: how to deal with fake news. To the accusations of being affiliated with a “terrorist” political party, we confronted them immediately. Learning from other organizations’ experiences, we did not ignore the rumor but knocked it down with facts right at the onset.

    We released a statement clarifying that we were an independent organization and not a part of any political organizations. We also repeated this message at other events. The rumor did not stop spreading, because this rumor was an intentional effort by “some people,” but we at least gained a lot more trust from ordinary readers.

    The reason why people trust us, rather than the rumors about us, is that our approach and language are hugely different from that of a political party. We deliver multidimensional reports, analysis, and commentaries in a scientific way, not a political way. We provide knowledge and constructive contents. This is also why, despite our being accused by the Internet trolls of betraying the country, I believe many people don’t think of us in such a way.

    Is there any type of self-censorship that you apply to your blog at Luat Khoa?

    As I said, we don’t censor anything. We act as if we have all our human rights guaranteed within Vietnam, and that we just need to exercise them. I like the campaign slogan of Dr. Nguyen Quang A, a leading activist in my country: “Your Right! Use It!”

    We write about pluralism, democracy, dictatorship, human rights violations, political trials, censorship, and so on. However, we impose our own standards and strive to be professional, scientific, and rational. We don’t use hate speech. We don’t believe that problems will be solved by hurting each other, including through language. Hate speech, from any side, is therefore totally banned from our magazine. We also “censor” ourselves from using fake news and unconfirmed information. Many contributors have sent us their articles without any references or sources of information used in their writings; we normally do not find these articles meet our standards. Even if they do have references, we still consider very carefully the credibility of their sources.

    But overall, with these guidelines in mind, we invite everyone to contribute to Luat Khoa.

    What is your long-term hope for the site?

    In my vision, Luat Khoa is going to be one of the major newspapers in Vietnam that promotes human rights, the rule of law, and democracy.

    I hope that in 20 years, those who read Luat Khoa today, including law students, will become law professors, lawyers, judges, politicians, activists, and journalists, and in turn, they will develop the legal framework and legal culture in Vietnam toward the values of human rights, rule of law, and democracy.

    Thank you so much, Long. It was a pleasure to talk to you.


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  • Luat Khoa’s Pham Doan Trang and Trinh Huu Long in Central European University: Fighting For Voting Rights: A Comparative Study Of Social Movements In Viet Nam And Malaysia In The 21st Century by Trinh Lien Huong

    Luat Khoa’s Pham Doan Trang and Trinh Huu Long were mentioned as references for the comparative study.


    Excerpt:

    p.90

    Remarkably, Pham Doan Trang, a prominent democracy activist, despite not being a self-nominated candidate herself, produced a comprehensive 30-page report which documented corrupt practices, undemocratic electoral procedures and harassment [361] experienced by independent candidates during the movement.written in English and translated into Vietnamese by volunteer translators. [362]

    p.93

    For example, Pham Doan Trang’s article on her personal blog provided basic information about the electoral process, at the same time pointing out the undemocratic practices which were more or less hidden from the Election Law, based on her observations and research about the previous Legislative Elections. [374]. Trinh Huu Long another prominent democracy activist who did not run for the elections this time, published a widely shared article on luatkhoa.org, an e-journal on legal studies of which he was the editor-in-chief. Titled “10 tasks of a parliamentarian” and addressing the audience as “you,” Long’s article started by explaining the three key functions of the National Assembly as mandate under the Constitution, and continued by listing some important tasks for a parliamentarian, for instance making laws and deciding, among others, on the following matters: who to take the most powerful posts in the country, national budgets, the ceiling for public debts, taxes, mega development projects, national security and defence.  [375]

    361 Đoan Trang Phạm, ‘Unfair Elections In Vietnam: How The Communist Party Manipulates The Process’ (2016) <https://www.diendan.org/tai-lieu/unfair-elections-how-the-vcp-manipulates-the- process/UNFAIR%20ELECTIONS%20IN%20VIETNAM.pdf>.

    362 Đoan Trang Phạm, ‘Bầu Cử Phi Dân Chủ Ở Việt Nam: Đảng Cộng Sản Thao Túng Tiến Trình Bầu Cử Như Thế Nào [Unfair Elections In Vietnam: How The Communist Party Manipulates The Process]’ (Anh Hòa Trần and others trs, 2016) <https://www.slideshare.net/phamdoantrang/bau-cu-phi-dan-chu-o-viet-nam>.

    374 Đoan Trang Phạm, ‘ABC về Bầu Cử Quốc Hội – Dành Cho Các Ứng Viên Tự Do [ABC about National Assembly Elections – for Independent Candidates]’ <http://www.phamdoantrang.com/2016/02/abc-ve-bau-cu- quoc-hoi-danh-cho-cac-ung.html> accessed 30 July 2017.

    375 Hữu Long Trịnh, ‘10 Đầu Việc Của Một Đại Biểu Quốc Hội [10 Things on the to-Do List of a Parliamentarian]’ [2016] Luật Khoa <http://luatkhoa.org/2016/02/10-dau-viec-cua-mot-dai-bieu-quoc-hoi/> accessed 30 July 2017.


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